The Hill Beachey Project launched August 3, 2013 to
project
home page
to Hill Beachey Day Proposed to research question number 1 to research question number 2 to research question number 3 to research question number 4 to research question number 5 to research question number 6 to research question number 7 to research question number 8 Research
Question Number 5: What's the historical reality behind
Lewiston's lynch mob and Beachey's speech?
One of the more dramatic moments in Beachey's story happens when he and his prisoners arrive back at Lewiston. Hamilton's account, among others, holds that an angry mob was quite ready to lynch the alleged murders on the spot (Ladd Hamiton, This Bloody Deed: The Magruder Incident, 1994, pp. 168-175). Beachey's sober plea that they should receive a fair trial saved the day. But. Was there a mob? Did Beachey actually give a quelling speech? Ladd Hamilton We have a curious historiographic situation to face in these questions. A contemporary newspaper report, in Lewiston's The Golden Age, will be pitted against authors writing after the fact and, in some cases, with motives that went rather far beyond the pursuit of rigorous historical accuracy. Hamilton candidly admitted there was a problem with his account. He wrote, in an endnote: According to the editor of the The Golden Age, Beachey's party
arrived by stage, not boat, and there was no threat of violence
(however, see the Bibliography for a discussion of why The Golden Age report can be
discounted). Mosty historians claim the party arrived by
steamboat and faced a lynch mob. See An Illustrated History of North Idaho,
p. 35: also Nathaniel P. Langford, Vigilante
Days and Ways, vol. 2 (1890); Welch, The Magruder Murders; and John
Hailey, History of Idaho
(1910). (p. 238ff.)
What did Hamilton's "Bibliography" add? Hamilton's commentary began: The Golden Age, in early December 1863, reported that
Beachey and his prisoners had arrived in Lewiston by stage, not by
boat, and no lynch mob was waiting. The Golden Age claimed that: "not the least
excitement was manifested except the natural elation felt by the people
at the success of Mr. Beachey...We have not heard a single expression
that would tend to excite mob violence. Everyone appears willing
that the prisoners shall have a fair and impartial trial befor our
legally established tribunals. We are a law-abiding people, and
as long as we have legally established courts to try criminals, no one
need fear mob violence--our contemporaties in San Francisco, Portland
and The Dales to the contrary notwithstanding."
The Golden Age's mention of these three cities was
doubtless an allusion to concerns raised by their
newspapers regarding the lynching of three robbers -- Dave English,
Bill Peoples, and Charley Scott -- a year earlier in Lewiston.
Such concerns were apparently felt elsewhere as well. For
instance, the Sacramento Daily
Union's (Nov 12, 1863)
account of the second day of the California Supreme Court's hearing of
the habeas corpus suit filed on behalf of Romaine, Howard, Lowery, and
Page noted in passing:
Their case is especially interesting,
from the fact that about a year ago three highwaymen were arrested at
Portland and taken back to Lewiston. On their arrival they were
met by the citizens en masse, by whom they were all hung in about an
hour.
Hamilton's argument
against the trustworthiness of The Golden Age's story on Beachey's arrival continued:This may be a better example of
protecting Lewiston's civic image than of good reporting. If
there had been no need to fear mob violence, then it would have been
unnecessary to move the prisoners out of the Luna House jail rooms to
the relative security of Fort Lapwai.
Hamilton continued: The
newspapers of the time are an essential source of information, but
sometimes they are unreliable. For example, when the Sacramento Daily Union of November
3, 1863, reported the murders, it had the date wrong by a month and
erroneously claimed that Magruder had met his killers at a political
meeting.
Hamilton concluded his argument by drawing attention to another example of inaccuracy in contemporary newspaper accounts, this time quoting The Dalles Journal's Nov 2, 1863 story of the discovery of Magruder's body by a stranger (which story, incidentally, I quoted in my discussion of research question number 4). Much as I agree with Hamilton that many contemporary newspaper reports were unreliable, his argument regarding The Golden Age's story on Beachey's return is uncompelling. Nathaniel
Langford
For one thing, a story about faraway events in the Sacramento Daily Union and one in The Dalles Journal about a stranger's discovery of Magruder's body are a far cry from what Hamilton asserts The Golden Age did. Lewiston's newspaper would have had to deliberately misreport a very newsworthy event in the town's history if a lynch mob actually greeted Beachey's arrival. Hamilton noted that four other sources -- An Illustrated History of North Idaho, Langford's, Vigilante Days and Ways, Welch's, The Magruder Murders, and Hailey's History of Idaho comported with his account. Yet this element of his argument may be questioned too. Let's carefully examine what each source Hamilton cited had to say about Beachey's arrival in Lewiston. Welch's book treated the event in only a cursory way. The sum of what she wrote consisted of this: "...he [Beachey] had to talk a crowd of aroused vigilantes out of trying to take the men and hang them on the spot. Fortunately, he was liked and trusted in the town and had long experience with frontier situations" (p. 56). In short, Welch's narrative did not examine Beachy's arrival in detail. Similarly, the Illustrated History (1903) offered hardly more: The [i.e., Beachy's] party reached
Lewiston during the early days of December and was met by the
vigilantes of that town, but Beachy stoutly defended his prisoners,
telling the people he had promised the men a regular trial. The
vigilantes eventually decided to withdraw and trust the courts to
administer justice. (p. 38)
Hailey's (1910) account, however, was a little longer: They [Beachy and party] were met on the
bank of the river near the town by a large crowd of good citizens who
had
become convinced beyond any doubt that Mr. Beachy had the men that had
committed the murder, so they met them with a rope for each man,
prepared to
make a short job of dealing out justice to them. But Mr. Beachy said,
"No,
gentlemen, I have given my word to the Judge and the Governor of
California and
to Captain Lees, and also to these men, that they shall have a fair
trial by a
court and a jury, and I want to keep my promise." The voice of no
man, save and except Beachy
's, could have caused these people to halt in their determination to
execute
the criminals on the spot. But they all
respected, loved and admired Mr. Beachy for the many noble things he
had done,
and especially for what he had done in bringing these men to the bar of
justice. When Mr. Beachy finished his short
but firm talk, order was restored and the people repaired to their
respective
avocations, satisfied that what Mr. Beachy said was right and they
would not
interfere in any way to obstruct the ends of justice to be dealt out by
the
courts. The men were confined and safely
guarded. (p. 71)
As was
Langford's (1890): At the mouth of the Columbia, a small steamer with a military escort received the prisoners. They were conveyed immediately to Lewiston. A large assemblage had gathered upon the wharf, intending to conduct the prisoners from the boat to the scaffold. Protected by the military, Beachy succeeded in removing them to his hotel, amid loud cries of " Hang 'em," " String 'em up," by the pursuing crowd. He then appeared in front of the building, and in a brief address informed the infuriated people that one of the conditions on which he obtained the surrender of the men was that they should have a fair trial at law. He had pledged his honor, not only to the prisoners, but to the authorities, that they should only be hanged after conviction by a jury. This pledge he would redeem with his life if necessary. He made it, believing that his fellow-citizens of Lewiston would stand by him. " And now," said he, "as many of you as will do so, will please cross to the opposite side of the street." The movement was unanimous. " Be gorra ! Mr.
Beachy," exclaimed an Irishman, after he had passed over, "you're the
only mon in the whole congregation that votes against yourself." (p.
344) It
may be noted that Thomas J. Dimsdale's The Vigilantes of Montana: Or, Popular
Justice in the Rocky Mountains (1866, see p. 112), the earliest
recounting of the story of the Magruder murders, made no mention of an
angry mob at Lewiston greeting Beachey's party's arrival.
Neither, interestingly, did Sheriff Fisk's account, written in
1910. Fisk would have been particularly likely to have
mentioned any unpleasantness at the Lewiston arrival, as he claims the
prisoners were turned over to his custody on arrival. Fisk also
recalled that Beachey and his prisoners arrived
by stage, not boat. He wrote: In due time Beachy, with his
escort and
prisoners, arrived in the Columbia river, and were transferred to The
Dalles steamer at the mouth of the Williamette without touching at
Portland; thence on to the military port at Walla Walla, and they were
conveyed by stage thence to Lewiston, where the prisoners were turned
over to my custody. Fisk
then described examining the prisoners and finding a small saw device
concealed in Lowry's hair, with which he had partly sawed through his
chains. It seems unlikely the sheriff
would have failed to mention an angry reception for the prisoners in
Lewiston.. The
key point I would like to stress, however, is that Langford
fictionalized
aspects of his account of the Magruder murders. Welch, herself,
noted this. She wrote: "Because Langford's version used the
methods of
fiction, and because he showed the influence of fiction of his time,
his account has more in common with legend than history" (p.
104). Welch also noted that even unreliable elements of
Langford's
historical account -- elements that were "untrue from internal
evidence" (loc. cit.) -- often became
repeated by in the works of subsequent authors. All
of which raises the question of where, exactly, the story of the angry
lynch mob and Beachey's quelling speech originated. It is
arguably
quite likely, it seems to me, that Langford's account is the story's
source. And, if so, then the story may be commensurately
downgraded in terms of its likely historical accuracy. It
comes down to this, then: Notwithstanding an appreciative regard
for Hamilton's work and opinion on the case, it seems more likely --
more plausible -- that Langford fictionalized Beachey's arrival.
The angry mob and Beachey's speech certainly boost his account's
dramatic content. Hailey, in turn, probably borrowed the mob
element from Langford's account -- he (Hailey) gave no sources.
Beyond that, both the Illustrated
History's and Welch's accounts treated the Lewiston mob and
Beachey's return so fleetingly as not to bear much weight. It may be concluded then that the account
offered in The Golden
Age and the absence of any mention of
the Lewiston mob in Fisk's account relatively gain
historical credence. I'm actually quite sorry to
see the Lewiston mob and Beachey's speech leave this story, if they
must. What's needed now are better sources on Beachey's arrival
in
Lewiston.
Surely, there must be other contemporaneous accounts somewhere.
These must be found
before any final historical judgment can be rendered on this element of
the story. Finding (8/12/2013) Well, well, well! Now comes
another newspaper source reporting that no lynch mob greeted
Beachey's arrival with his prisoners at Lewiston. The following
clip is drawn from a report appearing in the Sacramento Daily Union for December
25, 1863. It offers valuable details on Beachey's arrival and
tends to confirm the report in The
Golden Age that Ladd Hamilton discounted. It's also worth
noting that this newly unearthed report differs from Fisk's account in
that it says the prisoners were not turned over to his (Fisk's) custody
on arrival. My inference is that Beachey and others may well have
had concerns about the prisoners' safety in Lewiston even if the
party's arrival did not occasion a threatening situation.
This new and independent Sacramento
Daily Union report, by J.W. Brewer, which was apparently
prepared by someone who witnessed the events he writes of, further
erodes the credibility of Hamilton's more dramatic account of Beachey's
arrival. From the Sacramento Daily Union, Finding (8/21/2013) Thanks to Julia Conway Welch's book (see p. 120 therein), I've picked up another source on the question of Beachey's reception at Lewiston, in Hubert Howe Bancroft's Popular Tribunals (Works, 1887). Bancroft's account cites no sources and thus its historical verity is difficult to assess. Nevertheless, Bancroft's text may be added to our list of historical accounts that make no mention of a lynch mob or a quelling speech on Beachey's part. On the contrary, Bancroft wrote (pp. 662-663): In other times, before and since, these
men would have been seized and hanged by the people before ever they
had reached Lewiston. Within the year the Lewiston Vigilance Committee
had executed three men for a tithe of the present villainy. On this
occasion, as if by common consent, it was resolved to let the law do
the work. They had a new governor, a new judge, and bright unused court
machinery; of all which they were very proud. They were tired of
stringing and strangling, and were only too glad that their great and
good uncle at Washington had sent them these thief-traps and
rogue-exterminators, and now they were curious to see them in
operation. Hence it was when
the four prisoners entered town there was no violent demonstration, and
they were allowed to remain in the stage agent's hands, as a
deputy-officer of the law, during trial (emphasis added).
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