The Hill Beachey Project launched August 3, 2013 to
project
home page
to Hill Beachey Day Proposed to research question number 1 to research question number 2 to research question number 3 to research question number 4 to research question number 5 to research question number 6 to research question number 7 to research question number 8 8/14/2013
Research Question Number 7: What enterprises was Beachey obliged to leave behind when he pursued the four suspects? For
me, the heart and soul of Hill Beachey's story resides in his singular
decision to give chase to the four suspects. This decision was
his towering act
of loyalty, courage, friendship, and sacrifice
Everything else -- the chase itself, the difficulties he encountered in San Francisco and Sacramento, the return of the prisoners to Lewiston, and the preparations for the trial -- represent, in a sense, mere sequelae and consequences of that fateful decision. Hill Beachey (image borrowed from Steven D. Banting's Historic Firsts of Lewiston, Idaho: Unintended Greatness) In this installment of I'd like to direct some attention to the responsibilities and enterprises Beachey had to leave behind, put on hold, or delegate to others on account of this decision. These abandoned activities represented in effect some the sacrifices his decision to give chase imposed on him. Obviously, he left behind the comforts and relative safety of his home and the warm bed he shared with his wife. But Beachy was a busy and enterprising man, too, and so he had to leave behind both ongoing enterprises and new enterprises he was trying to launch. It's important, in order to have a full picture of these sacrifices, to inventory the full scope of Beachey's various business pursuits in October, 1863. Beachey departed Lewiston on October 23rd or 24th and returned on about December 7th -- an adventure spanning a little more than six weeks in all. The list of enterprises Beachy left behind is impressive, and may include more elements than those we currently know.
Idaho's
first public utility services date to an act of the Washington
territorial legislature, passed on January 12, 1863, which authorized
Hill Beachey and his associates 'to make and sell gas to light the town
of Lewiston.' The prevailing method of the time produced 'town
gas' by the deconstructive distillation of coal to coke. The
resulting gas was suspended in water and piped to homes and
businesses. The venture does not seem to have progressed very
far, as Beachy left Lewiston soon after the Magruder murderers were
hanged in 1864.
So, Beachey had plenty to occupy his
time in late 1863 -- including a hotel, a stage line, a proposed new
public
utility, and a proposed new toll road.
He may well have had still more pursuits and preoccupations. For instance, he may well have invested in mining prospects in the region or he may have been a part backer of Magruder's trading venture. The full array of his enterprises remains to be established. Leaving these enterprises behind was of course one of the sacrifices Beachey had to make to pursue Magruder's killers. Hence, getting a fuller picture of his various pursuits is an important part of the story of his decision. By the same token, the full story of Beachey's departure from Lewiston in 1864 is not known. Why did he leave? Keith C. Petersen alluded to a competitive rivaly between Beachey's Luna House and Madame Melanie Bonhore LeFrancois' Hotel De France as one of the reasons for his departure (see Petersen, "Five Lives: Idaho in 1863," Idaho Humanities: The Newsletter of the Idaho Humanities Council, Spring, 2013, p. 3). "The De France eclipsed the Luna House," wrote Petersen, which
Hill Beachy sold in exasperation in November 1864. He journeyed south
and established a stage line from California into the southern Idaho
mines, a rival to the one led by John Mullan. Like Mullan, he too went
bankrupt.
But what happened to the
Luna House and Beachy's Lewiston-based stage line after his 1864
departure? What happened to the public utilities and
the toll road projects he'd launched? Why did he decide to quit
the hotel, stage line, and these promising enterprises and projects in
Lewiston? Where did he go, exactly,
and what enterprises consumed his time at his new location? All these questions remain outstanding and worthy of new historical investigation. A find:
Victor Goodwin's 1967 article ("William C. (Hill) Beachey, Nevada - California - Idaho Stagecoach King," Nevada Historical Society Quarterly 10(1):5-46, (Spring) 1967), a valuable new online find for me, focuses on Beachey's post-Lewiston career as a stagecoach businessman. Goodwin wrote (p. 17): The discovery of placer gold in the
Boise Basin in 1862
and of gold
A second new-found source adds the following: Hill Beachy initially opened a stage
route from Unionville to Silver
City, Idaho, in 1865 for the purpose of transporting supplies, mail,
and passengers from the Humboldt mines to the newly
discovered mines in southwestern Idaho. The
stage route passed through Winnemucca to
Willow Point Station on the Little Humboldt
River, over Paradise Hill to
Cane Springs, and continued north through the Quinn River Valley and on
to Idaho. The duration of the stage line was a short two months
due to stagecoaches and stage stations being burned by Indians.
However, the route was reopened the following
year as Hill Beachy's Railroad Stage Lines for the purpose of
connecting the advancing Central Pacific railhead
with
the mining camps of the Humboldt Range and Idaho. In 1867, a
cutoff
was built from Oreana to Thacker's Station (north of Imlay) and along
the west side of the Bloody Runs connecting with the earlier route at
Cane Springs. This
shortcut bypassed Winnemucca, much to the disgruntlement of its
residents, but in 1868 when the Central
Pacific reached the town, the southern terminus of the Railroad Stage
Lines was moved permanently to Winnemucca.
The route
continued to be used until 1870 at which time Hill Beachy shifted
all
coaches, horses, and stations to his new Elko-Cope-Boise City road
(Goodwin 1966:6-12, Lavelock Sub-basin Section). This second source is: Regina C. Smith, Peggy McGuckian
Jones, John R. Roney and Kathryn E. Pedrick, Prehistory and history of the Winnemucca
district: a cultural resources
literature overview. Bureau of Land Management, Nevada Cultural
Resource
Series No.6., Reno, 1983.
The passage I've quoted cited "Goodwin 1966," which citation is: Goodwin, Victor O., The Humboldt, Nevada's Desert
River and
Thoroughfare of
the American West. USDA Nevada
Humboldt River Basin Survey, 1966.
A find (8/16/2013):
Michael C. Moore, in his booklet Frontier Lewiston, 1860-1890 (1980), sheds a little more light on Lewiston's declining fortunes after mining enthusiasm turned south to Boise Basin. His contrast between Lewiston in 1862 and 1865 is striking and worth quoting: Lewiston's population soared to over
2,000 in 1862. That summer,
at the height of the gold rush, a visitor reported that Lewiston had 40
log and frame houses, 20 of
which were business establishments, 120 tent houses, a sawmill, two express houses, two news depots, seven
attorneys, nine doctors, six hotels, two jewelry stores, three drug stores, ten gambling houses, 25
saloons, and "about 20
places whose names might put the paper to blush." It also had a cemetery at the
top of the
hill with six graves, "five from violence." (pp. 8-9)
And then, re 1865:
When the territorial government of Idaho
moved to Boise in 1865, it left behind a shrunken town of 300 souls, a shabby little place
of log buildings and dirty streets. The Boise paper jibed about the "desolate streets
of Lewiston," and indeed the future looked bleak. (p. 25)
Based
on Moore's description it becomes a little less difficult to imagine
why Beachey sought to improve his fortunes elsewhere.
Send news to ronroizen@frontier.com, along with any pdfs or other copies of the materials. New materials, whenever they are appropriate, will be published on this page as they arrive. I'm looking forward to hearing from you! |